# Line and phase current relationship with russia

### The Future of U.S.-Russia Relations | Center for a New American Security

Three-phase electric power is a common method of alternating current electric power . Examining the circuits we can derive relationships between line voltage and current, and load .. (E.g. Phase/Neutral+Earth German: black/grey + red France green/red + White Russia: Red/ Grey + Black; Switzerland: Red/ Grey + Yellow. He sees a straight line from the West's support of the anti-Moscow and that's what former Soviet and current Russian intelligence tries to . Rhodes said, “The new phase we're in is that the Russians have For nearly two decades, U.S.- Russian relations have ranged between strained and miserable. Contrary to popular belief, Russia's approach to the Korea crisis is not the narrative of great power competition between Russia and the United States in More specific examples of this line of thinking assert that the Kremlin is US- China Tensions Enter a New PhaseWhat Comes After US Hegemony?.

This is not necessary or even possible!

With each load phase element directly connected across a respective source phase winding, the phase voltage will be constant regardless of open failures in the load elements. Even with a source winding failure, the line voltage is still V, and load phase voltage is still V. The only difference is extra current in the remaining functional source windings. Compare this fault tolerance with a Y-connected system suffering an open source winding in Figure below.

In this case, two load resistances suffer reduced voltage while the third loses supply voltage completely! However, if dual voltages are needed e.

The conductors connected to the three points of a three-phase source or load are called lines. The three components comprising a three-phase source or load are called phases. Line voltage is the voltage measured between any two lines in a three-phase circuit.

Phase voltage is the voltage measured across a single component in a three-phase source or load. Line current is the current through any one line between a three-phase source and load. The United States should encourage Germany and others to pursue gas import diversification from multiple suppliers. Because diversification of pipeline routes does not signify diversification of suppliers, the European Union should block Nord Stream 2 and instead pursue pipeline projects from other suppliers.

Azerbaijan is experiencing difficulty supplying its own needs, Turkmenistan is far away, and China owns most of its own production. Finally, the next president must not allow Russian pressure to prevent qualified states desiring membership from entering the alliance, nor should NATO alter its open door policy as a concession to Russia.

## Three-phase electric power

The surest sign of U. Arms Control Since the end of the Cold War, the operative assumption in western circles has been that Russia seeks to enhance ties with the West and explore new areas of defense and economic cooperation.

The events of the past two years have exposed that assumption as dangerously obsolete. The next president must pay close attention to developments in this domain and strive to avoid a downward spiral that could lead to a new nuclear arms race. Although the prospect for future arms reduction with Russia seems bleak, given the stakes involved with nuclear weapons, the next President should seek opportunities to engage Russia on this issue if possible.

Although the Soviet Union famously invested vast resources in this strategy to advance communist ideology abroad, the modern digital era offers to sophisticated state-backed disinformation campaigners the ability to reach much larger audiences with anti-American and anti-democratic messages, while covering their tracks fairly effectively. With no comparably funded agencies devoted to correcting Russian disinformation, the United States and Europe are highly vulnerable to manipulation and fabrication of public opinion—shifting information.

The next president must make countering this Russian tactic a priority. By obfuscating official versions of events, Russia has the ability to undermine public support for measures that are inconsistent with its strategic aims. For instance, in summerafter Russian-armed separatists in eastern Ukraine downed Malaysia Airlines 17, Russia seeded the internet with accusations that the CIA or the Ukrainian military was responsible for destroying the commercial airliner.

This year in Sweden, which has been debating the pros and cons of closer ties to NATO including membershipfalse information about what this partnership would look like began surfacing on Swedish social media, which led to public outcries that the Swedish government was forced to correct. This was an unprecedentedly hostile action whose consequences extend beyond whatever effect they had on the election.

Russia has in fact long sought to erode governance standards in peripheral states and the credibility of democracy as a form of governance. The new frontier of warfare in the 21st century will increasingly be found in this domain. National security leaders must sound alarm bells that the United States is unprepared to confront this new threat, while seeking ways to inflict costs on Russia, costs that at this time do not exist.

While respecting the First Amendment right of news outlets, even foreign-owned and -managed ones such as RT, to operate freely in the United States, the next president should request funding for initiatives to correct Russian fabrications and expose agents of disinformation where they can be identified. The next president should support initiatives that correct fabricated information, challenge false narratives, expose hidden connections and interests, and support independent fact-finding efforts.

The next president should prioritize the passage and implementation of this kind of legislation.

### Three-phase electric power - Wikipedia

Should the next president choose to intensify U. But as risky as such encounters may be, concerns about them should not dissuade the next president from firmly asserting U. An equally important component of a new U. The next administration must be willing to publicly link Russian policy in Syria to the ongoing humanitarian disaster within the country, and to name Russia as one of the main contributors to the ongoing refugee crisis in Europe. Conclusion The dramatic decline of U. Otherwise, Russia will continue to undermine U.

Perhaps above all, the next president must reinforce the centrality to U.

He must assure U. Although no one could have predicted it 25 years ago, Russia is once again a strategic problem for the United States. If the next president does not take steps to deliver an unmistakable sign of U. The full report is available online. In addition, the president submits candidates to the Federation Council for appointment as justices of the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court, and the Superior Court of Arbitration, as well as candidates for the office of procurator general, Russia's chief law enforcement officer.

The president also appoints justices of federal district courts. Informal powers and power centers[ edit ] Many of the president's powers are related to the incumbent's undisputed leeway in forming an administration and hiring staff. The presidential administration is composed of several competing, overlapping, and vaguely delineated hierarchies that historically have resisted efforts at consolidation.

In earlyRussian sources reported the size of the presidential apparatus in Moscow and the localities at more than 75, people, most of them employees of state-owned enterprises directly under presidential control. Former first deputy prime minister Anatoly Chubais was appointed chief of the presidential administration chief of staff in July Yegorov had been appointed in earlywhen Yeltsin reacted to the strong showing of antireform factions in the legislative election by purging reformers from his administration.

Yeltsin now ordered Chubais, who had been included in that purge, to reduce the size of the administration and the number of departments overseeing the functions of the ministerial apparatus. The six administrative departments in existence at that time dealt with citizens' rights, domestic and foreign policy, state and legal matters, personnel, analysis, and oversight, and Chubais inherited a staff estimated at 2, employees.

Chubais also received control over a presidential advisory group with input on the economy, national security, and other matters. Reportedly that group had competed with Korzhakov's security service for influence in the Yeltsin administration.

Another center of power in the presidential administration is the Security Council, which was created by statute in mid The constitution describes the council as formed and headed by the president and governed by statute. Since its formation, it apparently has gradually lost influence in competition with other power centers in the presidential administration.

However, the June appointment of former army general and presidential candidate Alexander Lebed to head the Security Council improved prospects for the organization's standing.

In Julya presidential decree assigned the Security Council a wide variety of new missions. The decree's description of the Security Council's consultative functions was especially vague and wide-ranging, although it positioned the head of the Security Council directly subordinate to the president. As had been the case previously, the Security Council was required to hold meetings at least once a month. Other presidential support services include the Control Directorate in charge of investigating official corruptionthe Administrative Affairs Directorate, the Presidential Press Service, and the Protocol Directorate.

The Administrative Affairs Directorate controls state dachassanatoriums, automobiles, office buildings, and other perquisites of high office for the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government, a function that includes management of more than state industries with about 50, employees.

The Committee on Operational Questions, until June chaired by antireformist Oleg Soskovetshas been described as a "government within a government". Also attached to the presidency are more than two dozen consultative commissions and extrabudgetary "funds". The president also has extensive powers over military policy. As the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation of the armed forces, the president approves defense doctrine, appoints and removes the high command of the armed forces, and confers higher military ranks and awards.

The president is empowered to declare national or regional states of martial lawas well as state of emergency. In both cases, both houses of the parliament must be notified immediately. The Federation Council, the upper househas the power to confirm or reject such a decree. The regime of martial law is defined by federal law "On Martial law", signed into law by president Vladimir Putin in The circumstances and procedures for the president to declare a state of emergency are more specifically outlined in federal law than in the constitution.

In practice, the Constitutional Court ruled in that the president has wide leeway in responding to crises within Russia, such as lawlessness in the separatist Republic of Chechnyaand that Yeltsin's action in Chechnya did not require a formal declaration of a state of emergency.

In Yeltsin declared a state of emergency in Ingushetia and North Ossetiatwo republics beset by intermittent ethnic conflict. Presidential elections[ edit ] The constitution sets few requirements for presidential elections, deferring in many matters to other provisions established by law.

The presidential term is set at six years, and the president may only serve two consecutive terms. A candidate for president must be a citizen of Russia, at least 35 years of age, and a resident of the country for at least ten years.

If a president becomes unable to continue in office because of health problems, resignation, impeachment, or death, a presidential election is to be held not more than three months later. In such a situation, the Federation Council is empowered to set the election date.